Meles Zenawi’s mother first encounter with the media was on the day of
Eritrea ’s referendum in 1993, when she was confronted by a BBC
journalist in Adwa as she came out of a polling station after casting
her vote. She spoke in measured words, praising the process but giving
no clue as to which way she had voted. Government officials reacted
with panic to her interview, giving strict instructions that it should
not be translated and relayed in local languages on state media. It
would be many years before her second encounter with journalists. But when
she finally did so, it was to be with a friendly one; and, it was
said at the time, had to be approved by Meles himself. She mostly
spoke in guarded words, quite obviously aware that her words could
damage Meles, whom she said “has always been her favorite child.”
She spoke as all parents do about their children, and in the end, the
interview did go some way in revamping the tattered public image of
Meles Zenawi as aloof and alienated, its intended target.
But less said was about the troubling tendency of Meles, who left Adwa
for Addis when he was only in his mid-teens, to pick up and throw the
nearest object within his reach when provoked even only in jest.
Several decades later, Meles’ still irrepressible rage lay bare during
a press conference, suddenly provoked by a question about the jamming
of the VOA, as he lashed out with incomprehensible rancor about
alleged incitements to genocide.
Meles Zenawi is now in his mid 50s, two decades at the helm of the
nation, at the peak of his prestige and power, and only a few weeks
short of presiding over a sensitive election that he insists with
increased intensity is vulnerable to conspiracies against its peaceful
Few buy into his conspiracy theory, this being only the latest in a
long series, but many seriously ponder if Meles will ever be able to
temper his rage, and how it will affect a post election crisis that
culminates in riots, as he says it might.
How likely is a post election crisis that Meles repeatedly speaks
about? The answer of many pundits is: Very likely.The opposition are
adamant that a fair and free election is an impossibility this year,
save, in the words of Merera Gudina, “a miracle.” The EPRDF insists
otherwise, vaguely blaming the opposition in general -- but Medrek in
actual fact -- of a creeping incitement (akin to the creeping coup
against Haile Selassie’s government in the early '70s) that would end
in riots in the immediate aftermath of the elections. The essential
ingredients are all there for an inevitable political crisis.
But does this really mean that it will have to eventuate in riots as
Meles mysteriously implies? Not necessarily, but only if the sense of
proportion of the principal actors is well balanced. And that is
exactly where the danger of Meles Zenawi, with his life long
predicament of controlling his emotions, lies menacingly. Even if his
oft cited conspiracies are true, he poses no less danger,
temperamentally prone as he is, to impelling a minor event into a full
blown national crisis.
And there is also the new side of Meles in play that was absent from
his early days, shaped as the years progressed by the rigors of almost
forty years in the Byzantine world of Ethiopian politics. Many of
those who had worked with him closely speak of the sophistry and
vanity he developed after his ascendancy to power. “He gets offended
when you disagree with him,” says a source who knew him intimately of
his vanity. “He sees it as a personal challenge.” Even a friend
becomes an adversary then, to be defeated at any cost. “If you don’t
relent fast, he will conjure fantastic diversions," says the source.
Bonapartism being the most famous example. “He is always convinced
that he is the smartest person in the room. He expects you to be awed,
not outraged, by his wild statements and assertions.”
Ideally the person sitting in Meles’ position would be self assured,
acutely aware of the power of his words (which Meles is notoriously
incapable of understanding), with the humility to consider other
people’s opinion even if he disagrees with them, and finally, neither
too quick not to slow to make decisions.
Such is a leader that will stir a nation out of a crisis. And such a
man is not Meles. Be very worried about him.
In the meantime though, election season is approaching closure, now
with only fifteen days remaining for active campaigning.And news of an
interesting development in the North (in Lasta) is slowly trickling
down to Addis. Rumors about Lidetu Ayalew’s past and present have
seriously endangered his electoral prospects in Lalibela, his birth
place and one of epicenters of Ethiopia ’s Orthodox Christianity.
Lidetu, who maliciously betrayed the opposition in 2005 and is now a
rather unconvincing champion of a “third way”, which he says is
adopted from Europe ’s anti-establishment ritual, has generally earned
high marks for his oratory in this year’s election debates. But few
pundits believe that this has translated into any significant support
for his party in the cities, where his “credibility deficit” is deemed
to be too large to be overcome even by his considerable oratorical
prowess. But the countryside, where most of his constituency lies, is
subject to much debate, with some pundits convinced that his
performance in the debate will propel him to victory in light of the
token competition he faces from the EPRDF (which wants him to win) and
no significant alternative from the opposition.
But an unexpected issue has loomed that seriously jeopardizes his
chances, according to locals. Many of his devoutly Orthodox Christians
constituents (who constitute almost 100 percent) are incensed by
rumors of his conversion to Protestantism (Pente), which is still
taboo in the Amhara region as a whole. Lidetu has denied the
allegation, but considerable damage has already been done by the
rumors, and reversing his fortunes seems to be an uphill battle for
him and his EPRDF allies.
“He could lose," said a local I met in Addis.
If he does, his numerous critics around the country will at least have
one reason to celebrate.
The writer, Eskinder Nega, has been in and out of prison several times while he was editor of one of several newspapers shut down during the 2005 crackdown. After nearly five years in the limbo, Eskinder, his award-winning wife Serkalem Fassil, and other colleagues have yet to win government permission to return to their jobs in the publishing industry. Email: email@example.com